With every day that passes, David Blunkett becomes more insensitive in his language and more intemperate in his actions.
— Charles Kennedy
This country has a proud history of opening its doors to generations of people fleeing personal persecution, civil unrest and war.
It must be a judge - never a politician - who decides whether someone is to be locked up.
If British troops are committed to action, then the nation will, of course, support them. Their courage and skill is not in doubt.
We believe that government in Britain should be working to restore our reputation on the international stage after Iraq and engage better within Europe.
It is the government's fundamental duty to ensure the security of every individual citizen.
Public perception of the Westminster arena, with all its posturings, does little to engender a sense of voter belief.
As someone who has led his party through two general elections, I have not always been immune from feeling the pressure of electioneering tactics.
We must restore faith in politics. Reform of the House of Lords is only one part of the answer, but it is a vital one.
I have always considered myself of the reforming centre-left.
As I spread my wings in politics, I discovered many Thatcher voters down south who were the same kind of people who loathed her in Scotland. They were puzzled by the Scots' antipathy, given the Falklands war and the strong militaristic history of the Highlands and elsewhere.
We need less theoretical debate and more practical application and acknowledgment of what Europe can and does do so that it is brought home to people in a relevant way.
Whatever the eventual judgment, the political implications of Hutton are already clear. A devastating indictment of Labour in power - and of our political system itself.
To involve young people and make sure that the system is more relevant to them in Scotland, we have a clear obligation to implement a policy of home rule.
A perennial problem that has faced the Scottish Highlands is that, time and again, too many of the more talented young people have had to move elsewhere - even abroad - through a lack of opportunities that should have been available.
We would all rather see Iraq resolved successfully.
I couldn't imagine a day without music. It relaxes and stimulates me in equal measure and I hate the sound of silence - the concept, I mean, not the track by Simon and Garfunkel.
Only the Liberal Democrats have probed the government's failings consistently, thoroughly and effectively.
I believe that our country is a richer, more vibrant society precisely because it is a multi-racial, multi-ethnic society.
We all accept the world would be safer without Saddam's baleful dictatorship.
We believe that government in Britain is there to protect people from terrorism and from the worst criminality, but never at the expense of our civil liberties and the basic tenets of our legal system.
We believe that government in Britain should improve the quality of people's lives and improve the quality of our public services in every local community.
It is my determination that we, as a party, continue to make that fundamental restatement of liberal values in the politics of our country.
The growing influence of focus groups means we are all in danger of being excessively cowed by their feedback.
As a Scot, representing a Scottish constituency for almost the past 25 years, I do not harbour an overweening ambition to pronounce on each and every matter exclusively English.
Labour politicians for generations have fought to bring democracy to the House of Lords.
That 1983 general election contained the telltale seeds of eventual Scottish Tory self-destruction.
When I started knocking on Highland doors in May 1983, two things struck me more than any other. First was the sheer depth of hostility towards the Tories in general. Second was the particular hostility towards Margaret Thatcher and her local ministerial spear-carrier, energy minister and incumbent MP of 13 years' standing, Hamish Gray.
'Federalism', in the context of political and media usage in Britain, has come to mean the creation and imposition of a European superstate, one centralised in Brussels.
Taking a principled and consistent stance over Iraq has attracted much criticism from our detractors and opponents.
During my campaign, people of my age and younger said consistently that they would not vote because their votes simply no longer matter and because no government or member of Parliament cared a whit about their problems and their striving for employment.
It has been the greatest privilege of my adult and public life to have served, for 32 years, as the Member of Parliament for our local Highlands and Islands communities.
There is no satisfaction to be derived from having had many of our arguments borne out by events.
The point never to lose sight of is to be guided by the correct thing, as you see it. It's the only way to approach such profound matters and retain your integrity.
We opposed unlimited detention without trial. We stood up for trial by jury as well. And of course we spoke up for asylum seekers and for the most vulnerable in our society.
Tony Blair took us to war in Iraq on the basis of the supposed threat of Saddam's weapons of mass destruction.
It would be a tragedy if the remarkable international coalition against terrorism, successfully marshalled in the aftermath of 11 September, were to fragment over a unilateral U.S. strike against Baghdad.
We want a strong, vibrant economy for Britain so that we can set out a clear and affordable alternative programme for government.
Just as we Liberal Democrats opposed the flawed logic of that war in Iraq - we will oppose the flawed government claim that we have to surrender our fundamental rights in order to improve our security.
Good political leadership for me involves getting the big decisions right - however difficult, however controversial, however potentially divisive - and then being able to take people with you.
I did not dwell on the issue of Europe during either the 2001 or the 2005 campaigns - despite it being a pivotal personal concern and despite seeing it as something of a litmus test for liberal democracy.
A smaller-size party and parliamentary membership does not necessarily equate to lesser demands; if anything, the opposite can be the case.
The House of Lords has many fine aspects, but at its heart, it is a betrayal of the core democratic principle that those in the enlightened world hold so dear - that those who make the laws of the land should be elected by those who must obey those laws.
Like John Major in her wake, Thatcher was convinced that she understood the Scots - yet couldn't understand why we remained so stubbornly resistant towards the notion of understanding her.
As Liberal Democrats and proponents of federalism, we must put our heads above the parapet and recapture and disseminate the true meaning of federalism. We have to win the vocabulary before we succeed in the vision.
I don't actually subscribe to the view that all power corrupts. But absolute power - when secured on the back of massive parliamentary majorities, which don't reflect the balance of political opinion in the country - can corrupt absolutely.
The government's instinct is to shroud itself in secrecy - to act like the office of a president instead of as a collective cabinet government held to account by the elected House of Commons.
Some ministers are fond of talking about a return to Victorian values. We must realise that those Victorian values are being expressed by some of the younger people in this society in shameful and disturbing disregard for other members of their generation who are not as fortunate as they are in having a job.
I think you've got to like people. There are MPs who are either painfully shy or who don't like public speaking or don't socialise very well, and you just think this must be the worst job in the world for them.
Music and politics are in essence about communication. Without over-stretching the analogy I do feel a sense of rhythm is important in getting your message across.
