David Cameron can change the branding of the party, but he can't change the beliefs.
— Douglas Alexander
Of course we are looking to win support across every section of society. We win support by speaking to voters on the issues they most care about.
I take UKIP very seriously. The truth is that UKIP presents an electoral challenge to all political parties. The way to defeat UKIP is not to be a better UKIP but to be a better Labour Party.
We'll set our approach to borrowing, to spending, to taxation, in a sensible way on a sensible timescale.
I don't get up in the morning and think my mission is to end Britain. I do get up in the morning and think that my mission is to end poverty.
Change is a process: future is a destination. People want a sense of hope, possibility and pride about Britain.
In an era of billion-person countries and trillion-pound economies, we need to find ways to amplify our voice. We are most likely to be heard when the Chinese negotiate with a £10 trillion E.U., not a £1.5 trillion Britain.
Building the future holds more attraction than ancestor worship, whichever ancestor we're talking about.
If you talk to most people under 30, they don't read a newspaper.
Any politician in a democracy has to be mindful of public opinion.
Of course we need to show we are a genuine alternative to an unpopular, Conservative-led government. But we need to set ourselves a higher standard than a party offering anger like UKIP.
If Nick Clegg hadn't been sitting around the cabinet table, we wouldn't have had the bedroom tax; we wouldn't have had the rise in tuition fees. We wouldn't have had the mistakes we've seen in economic policy.
One of the big weaknesses of the Conservative Party is not just their ignorance of and lack of effective response to the cost-of-living crisis but a more fundamental error about what makes for success in the 21st century.
Solidarity is the basis of my politics.
Historically, Labour has used technology as a form of control. We would use pagers and faxes to send out messages telling people what line to take. The key learning from the Obama campaign is to use technology to empower your supporters.
Too often, the idea seemed to be that the cost of being part of Europe was being less like Britain. So after years of fighting to defend Europe against attacks from the Eurosceptic right, it would be fatal to retreat into the same arguments and begin the battle anew.
It is already clear that, because of advances in technology, drones are going to play an increased role in warfare in the years ahead. It is therefore vital that the legal frameworks governing their use are robust and internationally recognised.
I've never been interested in self-promotion and that side of politics; and if that means people judge that you're less prominent than others, that's a choice I've been willing to make.
The depth of concern people feel about UKIP is not always matched by depth of understanding.
The Conservatives are so busy focusing on yesterday, they're not focused on tomorrow... on how elections are won in the 21st century.
We can have enhanced devolution - greater powers in Scotland - but within the strength, security and stability of the United Kingdom, and I think that's what most Scots want.
A politics that defines itself by difference holds no appeal for me.
It was here in Edinburgh that in the 1980s I joined with many others to protest against Margaret Thatcher as she arrived to address the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.
For me, fiscal realism is not a betrayal of Labour values; it is the foundation by which we win the trust of the public.
There's no doubt that what has emerged in the years after 9/11, unlike the situation in Britain, there were practices sanctioned in the U.S. that fall far below the standard of conduct that should have taken place. It is for the American system of government, in all of its branches, to address that. It is not for a British politician.
