If I didn't forgive the people who took me into the barracks and beat me unconscious over a period of days during the period when the British state was indicted for inhuman and degrading treatment in 1971-72, or even the guys who shot me, if you don't forgive them, you end up with unnecessary baggage.
— Gerry Adams
When I wrote 'Before The Dawn,' I made it quite clear that there are lots of people involved in my life who I can't talk about simply because I'd put them at risk.
I like to think I'm very grounded. I'm very grounded in my family. I'm very grounded in my community.
War... some people glamorise war and glorify war. It's not nice, from whatever point of view you come from.
Sinn Fein has productively taken the example of South Africa and, as we develop the peace process, we continue to use examples from South Africa.
The last months, weeks and days have seen accelerating discussions, involving the DUP for the first time, about a comprehensive agreement which would see all outstanding matters dealt with and the Good Friday Agreement implemented in full.
Your determination, selflessness and courage have brought the freedom struggle towards its fulfilment.
We are totally committed to ending partition and to creating the conditions for unity and independence.
The Irish Republican Army has kept every commitment made by its leadership.
Such decisions will be far reaching and difficult. But you never lacked courage in the past. Your courage is now needed for the future.
It will always be a battle a day between those who want maximum change and those who want to maintain the status quo.
For over 30 years, the IRA showed that the British government could not rule Ireland on its own terms.
At that time, the army leadership said the implementation of this agreement would allow everyone, including the IRA, to take its political objectives forward by peaceful and democratic means.
I think the worst kind of grief is unacknowledged grief.
For good or ill, I'm a person of leadership. I do my best. I don't dodge responsibility.
We can be revisionist, and that's a good thing to be at times, but we shouldn't airbrush our history, so we can only make judgments in the objective conditions of that time.
You can only judge anything that happened in the times, in the times that that happened.
We have to make sure the Good Friday Agreement works.
The Good Friday Agreement and the basic rights and entitlements of citizens that are enshrined within it must be defended and actively promoted by London and Dublin.
Your ability as republican volunteers, to rise to this challenge will mean that the two governments and others cannot easily hide from their obligations and their responsibility to resolve these problems.
The way forward is by building political support for republican and democratic objectives across Ireland and by winning support for these goals internationally.
The days of humiliation, of second-class citizens and of inequality are over and gone forever.
Sinn Fein has demonstrated the ability to play a leadership role as part of a popular movement towards peace, equality and justice.
In this context the British and Irish governments will have to promote a new, imaginative and dynamic alternative in which both governments will share power in the north.
But if republicans are to prevail, if the peace process is to be successfully concluded and Irish sovereignty and re-unification secured, then we have to set the agenda - no-one else is going to do that.
Making peace, I have found, is much harder than making war.
It's hard to think of a 16-month child being anything other than a delight to be around.
I stopped buying Sunday papers about 15 years ago, because you'd buy handfuls of them, and what you got, because the hard news comes from so many other channels, was opinion pieces. You're better off spending the money on a good novel.
I think there is a huge responsibility upon governments to understand the consequence of their decisions.
If you militarise a situation, you beg for an armed response.
One man's transparency is another's humiliation.
Sinn Fein has the potential and capacity to become the vehicle for the attainment of republican objectives.
When others stood idly by, you and your families gave your all, in defence of a risen people and in pursuit of Irish freedom and unity.
The unionists also for their part, want to minimise the potential for change, not only on the equality agenda but on the issues of sovereignty and ending the union.
The catalyst for much of this change is the growing support for republicanism.
Republican patience with how unionism deals with the political institutions, and with key issues like equality and human rights, will be tested because, obviously, there will be a battle a day on these matters. So lets face up to all of this with our eyes wide open.
In the past I have defended the right of the IRA to engage in armed struggle. I did so because there was no alternative for those who would not bend the knee, or turn a blind eye to oppression, or for those who wanted a national republic.
But I also hold the very strong view that republicans need to lead by example.
Hugging trees has a calming effect on me. I'm talking about enormous trees that will be there when we are all dead and gone. I've hugged trees in every part of this little island.
